torek, 27. marec 2018

Institutional life: Segregation and stagnation vs mixing and development (Macedonia)


In this blog we will portray the life in institutions using the further two out of five principles of ‘normalisation’ (Brandon 1991), a perspective develop to assess the difference between an ordinary life live outside the institutions and the institutional life.

Personal development

Personal development in an institution or service depends on the setting practically – how it enables personalised activities, and symbolically – what value of the user it conveys to all the participants in the situation. It depends also on the degree of intimacy it provides and concern for really individual, personal changes and progress in terms of quality of life (ability control one’s life, building skills, relationship and dealing with pain and distress, but also improving living condition, income, membership in society etc.).

In the most of the institutions in Macedonia, the setting in its own right discourages the personal development. On the practical level, it is most obvious with mobility issues mentioned above, in some institutions there is almost absence of meaningful activities, while in some the activities are not practically relevant for person’s actual living conditions or are just performed to keep people occupied. On a symbolic level some institutions are in a such a bed state that the message given to the residents, staff and visitors is that people are not worthy, able or possible to progress, that it is just a place where they are parked. Even if the physical appearance of an institution is better it still by the virtue of being apart from the rest of the society, community, conveys a message that it is place for people with minor prospects in their life – be it infants’ home, children’s home, rehabilitation centre of people with disabilities, mental hospital or an old age home.

In all institutions the there is a lack of privacy. In some cases, this lack is almost absolute. Everything is done in front of the others including bathing, using toilet, there are no private spaces, not even a small closet where one can put his scarce belongings. In some institutions, these amenities are not so sparse and also where they are, residents can construct, with a lot of ingenuity, some kind of meagre and provisional personal existence (e.g. carry their belongings in a plastic bag, stuff them in one’s trousers forming an incredible bulge). Even in those where there are more possibilities for intimacy (rooms for two residents, availability of the wardrobes, personalised laundry system etc.), the privacy and possibilities to maintain one’s identity are curtailed by an ever present collective audience observing what you are doing and, by a deficient control of personal information, incomparable to the degree of it one has in an ordinary everyday life outside the institution. For instance, personal information is almost freely available to most of the staff, and on the other hand, the residents have little information and control of what their files contain.

In principle, on the declarative level, in all of the institutions, individual development is a concern and a great part of staff believes in users’ capacities. There are, however, institutions who have lost a hope that this can be achieved and in effect, the notion is one of stagnation and despair. In some, there is a lot of effort to monitor, sustain and propel the individual development of residents. In Mothers and infants home Bitola, for instance, they have few years established the system of key-workers, which in combination with sound teamwork, which enables the staff to support, not only intellectual and motor, but also emotional and interaction development of infants and toddlers. However, by the virtue of being in an institution, isolated from the ordinary relationships and community at large, the dimension of social development and, even more so, the social personal history remains almost completely blank. Institution is a setting that provides a perspective of a person as an abstract human being unrelated to social relationships, events and ordinary circumstances of life. One is unable to form, construct meaningful membership in informal social groups (of peers, relatives, even in public), get involved in activities of his or her own liking and interest, and find the situations that would personally suit him or her.

Mixing
Residents of the institutions are so to speak obliged to associate and socialise with other residents, the staff and to some degree with their relatives (if they come and when they come). They come very rarely as estimated in Banja Bansko and Demir Kapija less than 10 % of people living in institutions have regular visitors. Even more, they deprived of mixing with other people – be it in the public places or in interest communities, social events and like.

Most institutions report volunteer activities and some institutions have (due to close vicinity of an urban milieu) many resources and are systematically working on inviting various guests, either for some events or on a regular basis. The presence of volunteers is an important in improving the social environment; it gives a chance to residents to step into alternative roles, to relate to people in a different manner. What is most important, the presence of volunteers introduces at least a ray of an ordinary world into the institutional living. It allows people to talk about issues that diverge from institutional topics, look at their life from another perspective, and get experience of an everyday interaction, in which it is more likely that they will be seen as just another human being and not as a person with disability, service user, a resident. With some effort and right volunteers, these activities can also provide some spontaneous advocacy in dealing with internal and external authorities.

If the social isolation and absence of mixing with other people than co-residents, staff and relatives is an effect of segregated facilities, there are also the divisions within the institution that prevent mixing within.[1] The relatives of the residents do not seem to be welcome, even less actively invited to the institutions. On declarative level, the invitations are usually issued and usually social workers complain on the relatives that they tend to forget, write off their residing kinsfolks. However, there are many boundaries set and often the message is that relatives are intruders and troublemakers – ‘they upset the children and then they leave’. Such messages, boundaries and the formal institutional atmosphere (many people who deal with one’s relative and constantly changing), but also geographical distance prevent relatives to be more involved in the life on the institution and their relatives.

In most institutions, there is also internal segregation between the residents and staff. Not only that their basic involvement is radically different – residents live in the institutions (24/7) and staff works there (8/5) and lives at home most of their time, but there are deeper seated, cast-like divisions. There are segregated toilets, eating facilities, the cutlery is different, the access to staff rooms is limited to residents, while the staff enters residents’ rooms unannounced without knocking, let alone that they would invite them to their homes. Most of these taboos have little to do with functional issues, although sometimes the hygienic reasons are given. Mostly it has to do with construction of otherness, almost racist prejudice, even superstation, that residents are a source of pollution, infection - a bad omen.

Most surprising, for an outsider, is that there are division among the residents themselves. Although there is a great degree of comradery, mutual help and a kind of internal economy in most of the institutions, there is a hierarchy based on formal divisions (homogenised ward, categorisation of disability or other diagnoses). There are also spontaneous, semi-formal arrangements that stem from the punishment and privilege system that silently operates beneath the formal ideology. In these some residents in exchange for the help to the staff, not only in material services like cleaning, carrying etc., but also in minding and regimenting other residents, receive benefits and privileges like better treatment, more dignified role, more of the scarce amenities, more freedom to move.

Claimer: This blog is intended as a part of Situation Analysis and Assessment/ Evaluation Report of Implementation of National Strategy on Deinstitutionalisation 2008–2018, which will be soon presented to the public within the EU framework project Technical assistance support for the deinstitutionalization process in social sector. For this blog, Vlado Krstovski, Anja Kutnjak and Andreja Rafaelič are considered to be co-authors.

References:
Brandon, D. (1991), Increasing Value: The Implications of the Principle of Normalisation for Mental Illness Services. Salford University College.
Christie, N. (1989), Beyond Loneliness and Institutions: Communes for Extraordinary People. Oslo: Norwegian University Press.


[1] The internal boundaries and divisions is what differentiates the total institutions from total communities (Christie 1989).

torek, 13. marec 2018

Institutional life relationships choice and participation in Macedonia





In this blog we will portray the life in institutions using the there out of five principles of ‘normalisation’ (Brandon 1991), a perspective develop to assess the difference between an ordinary life live outside the institutions and the institutional life.

Relationships

Most of the people working in the institution have warm, friendly and loving relationships with the residents (the employees have a good sense of what can make the residents smile, they sing together, they hug and laugh). This mostly shows in good humours and openness of the residents. There is however a clear division between the residents and staff expressed in clothing (staff mostly wears uniforms), way of addressing residents[1] and sometimes in fear that residents demonstrate against the staff. Some of the staff recognise that demonstration of violent and aggressive behaviour and even inappropriate sexual behaviour is a sign of protest, personal or interpersonal difficulties, frustration or a lack of attachment and bonds. They, however, still treat and respond to these actions mostly in a traditional way by punishment, coercion and dismay.

In order to counter such disciplinary relationships and depersonalisation that is bound to occur in institutional settings[2] in some institutions efforts were organised to change this. In Mothers and infants home Bitola, they have established the system of keyworkers in order to enable each infant to form a meaningful attachment with a member of the staff. In addition, they have abandoned the idea of age-homogenous groups. These measures have greatly improved the work of staff and emotional and developmental state of the babies. In Demir Kapija, an initiative supported by UNICEF, recently introduced the method of intensive interaction (Cath Irvine, undated), which makes easier to establish bonds with residents with severe impediments in interaction (‘challenging’ or ‘forgotten’ residents).  The introduction of the personal planning has opened possibilities to get to know people, their wishes, priorities and act in a direction that is synergic with them. Such improvements are already effective while residents are still in an institution, improving their life and emotional state, but at the same time making the staff work more effective and rewarding, and since the relationship are improved, but even more since residents get more of what they want and need there is less trouble with them, thus less strain in conflict, frustration outburst and similar events. On the other hand, these improvements in skills, attitude and organisation are also very useful in preparing the resettlement and in the work in the community-based services.

Some of the residents survive the institution as buddy pairs or cliques. They help each other, sometimes even provide most of the care for the less “able” person in the pair but mostly they are not allowed to be together in the room unless they are of the same sex. The aristocracy are usually the leaders of the units and gatekeepers between users and staff. The majority spends time by themselves, some just looking in the empty space, some interact with others usually to open trading opportunities. 

Choice

Ability, even possibility to make choices is extremely disabled and limited in a regimented collective living. Residents cannot chose who they live with, what they eat, or what they wear:
Some of the residents can chose what clothes they want to wear (from what is offered to them) but most of the residents wear the clothes they are given. All clothes are washed together at the same time, and then they get sorted and delivered to the residents (most of the clothes they wear is not appropriate for their age and gender – it can easily happen that male adults are wearing female or children clothes). A resident could not self-serve on the dinner because he had to hold his pants from falling down with one hand. People would trip and fall because their shoes are not appropriate, or the length of their pants was too long for them. The residents can discuss the quality of food, but cannot decide about the menu. All the activities are planned by the staff. The residents can decide whether they want to participate in an activity or not, but they do not participate in planning their activities. Sometimes the residents are taken out to the movies and other cultural events and they also go on a summer holiday once a year, but not all of them – mostly the same group of people participates in these kinds of events. (Students’ observations)

The day rhythm is scheduled for everybody with a time table. Waking up is really early, around 5:30, breakfast is at 7:30*, lunch at 12 and dinner at 17, and the sleeping time is at 17:30 (some of them protest against this and are allowed to go to bed later). The time table is done so that it suits the shifts of the care workers (also other staff). This is most obvious in the morning, when residents have to get up quite early to be taken care before the night shift ends and have to wait for the breakfast to be served by the next shift two* hours later. Early bedtime can sometimes be a reason of increased medication in order that there is less commotion on a ward.

Participation

Highest possible participation is a service ideal (‘Customer is always right!’). This ideal is very hard to achieve in the institutional settings where the customer is transformed into the object of service, ceases to be the one who orders or requests the service (Goffman 1961). There are various degrees and models of how to increase residents’ participation. In theory (and in some countries also in practice) the highest degree of participation is that the service users own the service provision. Between this and completely objectified role of an ‘inmate of a total institution’ there a degrees from just sharing the information with residents, to consultation, then involving them in decision making, providing independent advocacy, self-advocacy, to including them in the governing bodies of the organisation. Participation of residents is an avenue of democratisation process in any services, so much more in the process of deinstitutionalisation.

Some of these practices have been tried out in several institutions in Macedonia, always with some success. The staff is generally open to such attempts and sees the value in it, on the other hand the notion that residents are not able to express themselves (because they are still children, ‘intellectually disabled’ etc.) and that the staff anyhow knows the best (because they are professionals, have special knowledge etc.) still prevails. Residents are excluded from making decisions as what they wear, eat etc. let alone the major decisions on how the services are run. Yet, some attempts of having unit assemblies that we witnessed during the camp in Demir Kapija have shown that even the presence of residents in such assemblies is welcome and changes the tone and content of discussion.

Claimer: This blog is intended as a part of Situation Analysis and Assessment/ Evaluation Report of Implementation of National Strategy on Deinstitutionalisation 2008–2018, which will be soon presented to the public within the EU framework project Technical assistance support for the deinstitutionalization process in social sector. For this blog, Vlado Krstovski, Anja Kutnjak and Andreja Rafaelič are considered to be co-authors.

References:
Brandon, D. (1991), Increasing Value: The Implications of the Principle of Normalisation for Mental Illness Services. Salford University College.
Goffman, E. (1961), Asylums. New York: Doubleday & Co. (Pelican edition 1968).
Cath Irvine (not dated) A Quick Guide to Intensive Interaction (an introductory paper, available from the author info@cathirvine.co.uk).
Menzies, L.I. (1988), Containing Anxiety in Institutions. London: Free Association Books.



[1] Staff do not always call the residents by their name, instead they refer to the using pronouns (he, she, them). Very often they refer to the residents as children even if they are adults, and also have a patronising attitude that adults have towards children. On a rare occasion, but not as an exception, staff uses inappropriate names (monkeys, calling them disgusting while changing their dippers, swearing while feeding them...). On the other hand, the users usually call the frontline staff as nurses.
[2] A classic professional imperative is not to get personally attached, form bonds with clients or users of services. Menzies (1988) points to the organisational barriers (e.g. frequent changes in the work posts) that prevent bonding of the staff with patients as defence mechanisms against anxiety that arises out of patients suffering or even death. No matter whether we agree or not with such an attitude, it is practically impossible to achieve this in an institutional setting where people live together for many years. If there is no systematic approach to this issue usually what happens is that staff creates some meaningful bonds with a few of residents, who are eloquent and communicative enough and complying with the institutional rules. These are their favourites and helpers in running the ward or institutions. A sort of residents’ aristocracy. Then there are those who had a bad fortune that you get at least some attention with behaviour that provokes the staff – what is euphemistically referred to as ‘challenging behaviour’, these are the institutional ‘troublemakers’. A (silent) majority of residents finds their way somewhere in between these two extremes, usually by establishing the relationship with other inmates, their own ‘economy’ and a place that is not exposed. These are not making much contact with the staff – nor in a rewarding nor in challenging way, they are placid and do not cause trouble. This can be termed as ‘forgotten’ since they do not get much attention from the staff.