Prikaz objav z oznako space. Pokaži vse objave
Prikaz objav z oznako space. Pokaži vse objave

torek, 27. marec 2018

Institutional life: Segregation and stagnation vs mixing and development (Macedonia)


In this blog we will portray the life in institutions using the further two out of five principles of ‘normalisation’ (Brandon 1991), a perspective develop to assess the difference between an ordinary life live outside the institutions and the institutional life.

Personal development

Personal development in an institution or service depends on the setting practically – how it enables personalised activities, and symbolically – what value of the user it conveys to all the participants in the situation. It depends also on the degree of intimacy it provides and concern for really individual, personal changes and progress in terms of quality of life (ability control one’s life, building skills, relationship and dealing with pain and distress, but also improving living condition, income, membership in society etc.).

In the most of the institutions in Macedonia, the setting in its own right discourages the personal development. On the practical level, it is most obvious with mobility issues mentioned above, in some institutions there is almost absence of meaningful activities, while in some the activities are not practically relevant for person’s actual living conditions or are just performed to keep people occupied. On a symbolic level some institutions are in a such a bed state that the message given to the residents, staff and visitors is that people are not worthy, able or possible to progress, that it is just a place where they are parked. Even if the physical appearance of an institution is better it still by the virtue of being apart from the rest of the society, community, conveys a message that it is place for people with minor prospects in their life – be it infants’ home, children’s home, rehabilitation centre of people with disabilities, mental hospital or an old age home.

In all institutions the there is a lack of privacy. In some cases, this lack is almost absolute. Everything is done in front of the others including bathing, using toilet, there are no private spaces, not even a small closet where one can put his scarce belongings. In some institutions, these amenities are not so sparse and also where they are, residents can construct, with a lot of ingenuity, some kind of meagre and provisional personal existence (e.g. carry their belongings in a plastic bag, stuff them in one’s trousers forming an incredible bulge). Even in those where there are more possibilities for intimacy (rooms for two residents, availability of the wardrobes, personalised laundry system etc.), the privacy and possibilities to maintain one’s identity are curtailed by an ever present collective audience observing what you are doing and, by a deficient control of personal information, incomparable to the degree of it one has in an ordinary everyday life outside the institution. For instance, personal information is almost freely available to most of the staff, and on the other hand, the residents have little information and control of what their files contain.

In principle, on the declarative level, in all of the institutions, individual development is a concern and a great part of staff believes in users’ capacities. There are, however, institutions who have lost a hope that this can be achieved and in effect, the notion is one of stagnation and despair. In some, there is a lot of effort to monitor, sustain and propel the individual development of residents. In Mothers and infants home Bitola, for instance, they have few years established the system of key-workers, which in combination with sound teamwork, which enables the staff to support, not only intellectual and motor, but also emotional and interaction development of infants and toddlers. However, by the virtue of being in an institution, isolated from the ordinary relationships and community at large, the dimension of social development and, even more so, the social personal history remains almost completely blank. Institution is a setting that provides a perspective of a person as an abstract human being unrelated to social relationships, events and ordinary circumstances of life. One is unable to form, construct meaningful membership in informal social groups (of peers, relatives, even in public), get involved in activities of his or her own liking and interest, and find the situations that would personally suit him or her.

Mixing
Residents of the institutions are so to speak obliged to associate and socialise with other residents, the staff and to some degree with their relatives (if they come and when they come). They come very rarely as estimated in Banja Bansko and Demir Kapija less than 10 % of people living in institutions have regular visitors. Even more, they deprived of mixing with other people – be it in the public places or in interest communities, social events and like.

Most institutions report volunteer activities and some institutions have (due to close vicinity of an urban milieu) many resources and are systematically working on inviting various guests, either for some events or on a regular basis. The presence of volunteers is an important in improving the social environment; it gives a chance to residents to step into alternative roles, to relate to people in a different manner. What is most important, the presence of volunteers introduces at least a ray of an ordinary world into the institutional living. It allows people to talk about issues that diverge from institutional topics, look at their life from another perspective, and get experience of an everyday interaction, in which it is more likely that they will be seen as just another human being and not as a person with disability, service user, a resident. With some effort and right volunteers, these activities can also provide some spontaneous advocacy in dealing with internal and external authorities.

If the social isolation and absence of mixing with other people than co-residents, staff and relatives is an effect of segregated facilities, there are also the divisions within the institution that prevent mixing within.[1] The relatives of the residents do not seem to be welcome, even less actively invited to the institutions. On declarative level, the invitations are usually issued and usually social workers complain on the relatives that they tend to forget, write off their residing kinsfolks. However, there are many boundaries set and often the message is that relatives are intruders and troublemakers – ‘they upset the children and then they leave’. Such messages, boundaries and the formal institutional atmosphere (many people who deal with one’s relative and constantly changing), but also geographical distance prevent relatives to be more involved in the life on the institution and their relatives.

In most institutions, there is also internal segregation between the residents and staff. Not only that their basic involvement is radically different – residents live in the institutions (24/7) and staff works there (8/5) and lives at home most of their time, but there are deeper seated, cast-like divisions. There are segregated toilets, eating facilities, the cutlery is different, the access to staff rooms is limited to residents, while the staff enters residents’ rooms unannounced without knocking, let alone that they would invite them to their homes. Most of these taboos have little to do with functional issues, although sometimes the hygienic reasons are given. Mostly it has to do with construction of otherness, almost racist prejudice, even superstation, that residents are a source of pollution, infection - a bad omen.

Most surprising, for an outsider, is that there are division among the residents themselves. Although there is a great degree of comradery, mutual help and a kind of internal economy in most of the institutions, there is a hierarchy based on formal divisions (homogenised ward, categorisation of disability or other diagnoses). There are also spontaneous, semi-formal arrangements that stem from the punishment and privilege system that silently operates beneath the formal ideology. In these some residents in exchange for the help to the staff, not only in material services like cleaning, carrying etc., but also in minding and regimenting other residents, receive benefits and privileges like better treatment, more dignified role, more of the scarce amenities, more freedom to move.

Claimer: This blog is intended as a part of Situation Analysis and Assessment/ Evaluation Report of Implementation of National Strategy on Deinstitutionalisation 2008–2018, which will be soon presented to the public within the EU framework project Technical assistance support for the deinstitutionalization process in social sector. For this blog, Vlado Krstovski, Anja Kutnjak and Andreja Rafaelič are considered to be co-authors.

References:
Brandon, D. (1991), Increasing Value: The Implications of the Principle of Normalisation for Mental Illness Services. Salford University College.
Christie, N. (1989), Beyond Loneliness and Institutions: Communes for Extraordinary People. Oslo: Norwegian University Press.


[1] The internal boundaries and divisions is what differentiates the total institutions from total communities (Christie 1989).

ponedeljek, 5. marec 2018

Spatial features of Macedonian social care institutions



 

 Location

As said a great part of the institutions are located in towns, some even on quite central, prominent positions (11. Oktomvri, Topansko Pole, MIHB). This constitutes quite a comparative difference to geographical distribution in other countries, where institutions are usually located in countryside or on the peripheries of towns. This is a good feature now, when institutions are still in their place – residents have more opportunity for contacts with ordinary community members, are nearer to mainstream services they may need (especially health services) and have all amenities of cultural, economic and social life at hand. It is also a prospect for deinstitutionalisation since good locations provide good opportunities of either material income or a new social use.

Most of the institutions, even if they are in the urban area, are markedly separated from the environment and wider community by a wall or a fence or combination of both. Gates to the compounds are usually open, in some there is a guard at the gate in a small guard building. Control of entrance and exit is, however, apart from psychiatric hospitals, unobtrusive, and most of the institutions, even those accommodating the people with most severe intellectual disabilities, staff are not obsessed with danger, which would prevent the residents to stroll out of the institution. Nevertheless, the institution have an air of a world of their own, even if in some the area is sometimes used for the activities of people from the neighbourhood (Topansko Pole), the number from people from the outside that would enter the compound without a definite errand, unofficially, is next to nothing.

Spatial structure

Most institutions for children and adults under 65 years have outsized their shrinking populations. The extreme example is Topansko Pole, which was built to accommodate 300 children and is now hosting only 37 mostly adult residents. Even Demir Kapija, which has largest number of residents and gives off the impression of lack of space, has an empty institution on another locality.

Mostly the buildings were made for the purpose of the institutions from the fifties on (exception is Demir Kapija, which was built as military hospital between the two world wars). Architecturally it means that they are, as rule, big buildings similar to army barracks or schools. The architecture is quite modern in style, depending on the time they were built. This means that the buildings are big, ostentatious, expressing authority and official purpose. Since they were built not so long ago they are spacious, lucent with elements of panopticon principle: availability to be seen and controlled.  It also means that they were designed to pack in a lot of people in a collective manner of living (common dining rooms (canteens, refectories) common sitting rooms, lavatories and recreational spaces. The exception to this kind of layout are 11. Oktomvri institution for children, which has a pavilion type outlay, and similarly the old age home in Zlokućani, which is using the premade bungalows used to house the victims of the earthquake in 1963. This layout provides more diversity, privacy and atmosphere of civil-like life. Even if dwellers are only partly separated, still it is the compound system of the institutional kind, where the boundaries mark the authority of the institution and where the main building with the staff dominates and controls the space.

Every institutional complex (apart from Bitola) has few buildings. Often there is a central building for administration[1], then there are residential buildings, apart from these there are sometimes other buildings like kitchen, laundry or some technical workshops. Such an arrangement gives a complex an aura of rationality and purposefulness. On the other hand, the park with some recreational grounds (playgrounds, sports grounds, walk paths, benches etc.) situated in between the buildings and on the edges of the compound, gives the impression of serenity and an idyllic touch. Since these in-between areas are devoid of much activity other than people sitting or strolling like they are waiting for something very indefinite, it gives the compound also a sense of emptiness and desertion.

Claimer: This blog is intended as a part of Situation Analysis and Assessment/ Evaluation Report of Implementation of National Strategy on Deinstitutionalisation 2008–2018, which will be soon presented to the public within the EU framework project Technical assistance support for the deinstitutionalization process in social sector. For this blog, Vlado Krstovski and Andreja Rafaelič are considered to be co-authors.




[1] In case there is only one building or the administration, or management is situated in a building also used for residence, or kitchen etc. still these offices are central and at hand. They are like second gate, since the business visitors do not need to go any further into the ‘hell’.