Prikaz objav z oznako evaluation. Pokaži vse objave
Prikaz objav z oznako evaluation. Pokaži vse objave

sobota, 14. april 2018

Appraising the success of performed resettlements in Macedonia


If we look how particular types of resettlement were successful and contributed to the deinstitutionalisation, we can conclude that the group homes in the second wave of deinstitutionalisation contributed far most in terms of numbers of resettled residents. Foster care, which was used in the first wave, had a smaller contribution, while resettlements into original families were small in numbers, and there was no resettlements into independent living. In terms of the quality of life the first two forms of resettlement provide are comparable results; both, group homes and foster families provide much better quality of life than institutions but are inferior to supposed independent living, which was not practiced so far. In theory, return to own families would be for children a comparable solution to adults’ independent living. However, it was not that successful. The problem seems to be in the fact that these families have in general low quality of life (which has been one of the reasons for institutionalisation in first place) and they were not adequately supported to improve it. The second reason could be that their recruitment was too hasty and did not allow a process of ‘reconciliation’ or ‘renewal of family ties to take place.

In the deinstitutionalisation so far, clearly the optimal options for resettlement that would approximate ordinary living, i.e. community based and independent living for adults and return to original families for children were not used enough and omitted. Returning to original families was not neglected and it stands as a first choice in today social work practice. However, it takes time and patient, filigree work and additional resources to make it happen. In fact, original families have less financial reward and professional support than foster families.

Independent living as a means of resettlement was not used for a few reasons. Although a notion known to the actors in the field it was up to now totally undeveloped in practice – the methods of its implementation are not widely known, even less practiced, funding of such practice is anybody’s guess, in addition there is also a misconception that independent living means living without support. For the future, we can assume that its advantages, i.e. providing individual and personal solution and possibility to resettle, potential to create non-standard response, need for resettlement plan, and the fact that the user will get what he really wants and needs, will be the factors that will promote this kind of resettlement. Obviously there is a need of inventive new organisation of services in order to support this kind of activity.

Group homes were in the past most effective tool of resettlement. They provide possibility for fast action and are not difficult to organise. In the responsibility and organisation patterns, it is not all that different to institutional care. The provider is if not solely than mainly responsible for the wellbeing (and safety) of residents, the structure of costs is similar. They, in a way, represent a move of the same operation institution performs into the community, nicer environment and more home-like atmosphere with more personalisation and choice. If the management of such facilities is good, way of working result in empowerment of residents and resources are sufficient it can be a good solution for transition to the community. In Macedonian experience methods of work and management were in comparison with similar facilities in other countries good, however the resources were not sufficient to resettle people with intensive needs (raising threshold) and in order to keep providing services, in spite of the arrest of the deinstitutionalisation process as a whole, the services had ‘shrink’ (become concentrated).

Foster families were the cornerstone of the first wave of resettlements and also of intended Macedonian model of deinstitutionalisation. Even if their use for adults is questionable, rephrased form of such care could be used (care or support in another family) also for some adult residents exiting the institutions, since it seems to be in line with Macedonian mentality and way of life. The advantage of this form of resettlement are that can be ready available (if there is a wide pool of such families), that is an individualised solution and there are no complication with organising it for a group of people. However, it need more dispersed organisation and collaboration of at least resettling institution, local social services, family and user, which in the present mode of functioning of social services is hard to achieve.

Table 8: Factors promoting and impeding resettlements
factors of success / type of resettlement
promote resettlement
impede resettlements
original families
good process of renewing contacts, support in overcoming grievances caused in the process of admission, material support and reward,
hasty recruitment, bad conditions in the family, lack of support from the services,
foster families
tradition of fostering, in line with Macedonian mentality, availability, adequate reward, good recruitment and support,
retirement of fosterers and lack of replacement, inadequate number of foster families, inadequate support of the services,
group homes
fast and solid solution for resettlement, clear responsibility for care (one provider), good management, availability of premises, financing according to the residents’ needs,
inadequate financing (causes skimming), tends to be long-term solution – preventing resettlement from a GH, housing is not easily available,
independent living
best solution: enables to achieve residents priorities, can generate new services needed, cost benefit efficiency, new organisation of service delivery,
so far an abstract notion, misconception, lack of experience, absence of knowledge, skills and legal requirements, need for new funding system.

We can conclude that group homes were most used and are most efficient means of resettlement. However, their effect is an intermediate one and they function as solution that is difficult to overcome. Foster care was also used with success, unfortunately it is less practiced nowadays. Return to one’s family, even if it is a prime solution, especially for children, has been tried out but has not developed as a prominent way of working. Independent living as an optimal destination of resettlement, both from institutions and group homes, has yet to be developed.

Claimer: This blog is intended as a part of Situation Analysis and Assessment/ Evaluation Report of Implementation of National Strategy on Deinstitutionalisation 2008–2018, which will be soon presented to the public within the EU framework project Technical assistance support for the deinstitutionalization process in social sector. For this blog, Vlado Krstovski is considered to be co-author.

petek, 13. april 2018

Measures of success in resettlement


Success of a resettlement or resettlements can be determined or measured on different counts. One is of how many resettled residents returned to an institution, the second is the quality of life after resettlement and the third – to what extent the institutions were downsized. First and third are relatively simple and easy to observe, the second is more complex and difficult to measure.

In the latter the question is whether to define quality of life in terms of subjective values and satisfaction or to compare it to more objective indicators. It is also a question whether to take for a benchmark of comparison the improvement from the life in institution or compare it with quality of life at large and especially with the ideal of independent living.

Figure 3: Criteria of resettlement success

On the first count, we can state the resettlements were quite successful. Observation in Demir Kapija is that there were thirteen residents who returned upon being resettled.[1] Most of them were from the first wave[2] and from the foster families. In those, two reasons were cited. One was that the foster family could not cope with the ex-resident (hyperactivity); the other was that fosterers reached retiring age and did not want to ‘work’ anymore. The return from original families was a consequence of material issues (bad conditions, parents getting old and not able to care, lack of support, not enough perceived gain in having a child back).[3] There was also some transinstitutionalisation going on to Banja Bansko (two recorded cases) and to Topansko Pole (2).

On the count of quality of life, the assessment of the success can be like half-empty or half-full glass. We can state with certainty that the life of all resettled residents have improved on the whole (more freedom, more choice, space, better relationships with staff and flatmates, more participation in decision-making and more mixing with ordinary people and activities in the ordinary environment). However, if we compare the present quality of life with an optimal solution of independent living, the results are, although positive and encouraging, not achieving this level of life quality – the arrangements of group homes and foster care are still limiting the degree of choice, privacy, power and participation in the community.

A third measure of success could be in the degree that resettlement have contributed to the process of deinstitutionalisation as a whole. This criterion is not applicable to individual resettlements – the question is – were the institutions closed down or significantly diminished. The answer is that none of the institutions was closed (or transformation accomplished). However, in Demir Kapija, a part of institution (annexe) was closed and that Demir Kapija is smaller by a quarter of its number of residents before the process started. What we have termed a ‘silent deinstitutionalisation’ – a decrease in number of residents happened in Topansko Pole (and there are indices that such decrease although not so dramatic happened in other institutions). We can also state that the goals set in the strategy ten years ago, were not met, quite the contrary they were realised in something as like a quarter of changes planned.

Claimer: This blog is intended as a part of Situation Analysis and Assessment/ Evaluation Report of Implementation of National Strategy on Deinstitutionalisation 2008–2018, which will be soon presented to the public within the EU framework project Technical assistance support for the deinstitutionalization process in social sector. For this blog, Vlado Krstovski is considered to be co-author.


[1] From the other reports, the number is lower, e.g. Petrov’s report lists five examples of reinstitutionalisation or transinstitutionalisation and Poraka Negotino records another such instance. We took the maximum number because it seems more reliable and does not underplay the issue.
[2] These two coincide. There is a time factor – more ex-residents return because the time of observation is longer; and the foster families are arrangement that is more fragile. They are based on actual providers whereas in group homes the staff when they retire is supplanted.
[3] N.B. There are many people living with the families who are in risks of being institutionalised because of the above reasons.