Prikaz objav z oznako organisation of experience. Pokaži vse objave
Prikaz objav z oznako organisation of experience. Pokaži vse objave

torek, 27. marec 2018

Institutional life: Segregation and stagnation vs mixing and development (Macedonia)


In this blog we will portray the life in institutions using the further two out of five principles of ‘normalisation’ (Brandon 1991), a perspective develop to assess the difference between an ordinary life live outside the institutions and the institutional life.

Personal development

Personal development in an institution or service depends on the setting practically – how it enables personalised activities, and symbolically – what value of the user it conveys to all the participants in the situation. It depends also on the degree of intimacy it provides and concern for really individual, personal changes and progress in terms of quality of life (ability control one’s life, building skills, relationship and dealing with pain and distress, but also improving living condition, income, membership in society etc.).

In the most of the institutions in Macedonia, the setting in its own right discourages the personal development. On the practical level, it is most obvious with mobility issues mentioned above, in some institutions there is almost absence of meaningful activities, while in some the activities are not practically relevant for person’s actual living conditions or are just performed to keep people occupied. On a symbolic level some institutions are in a such a bed state that the message given to the residents, staff and visitors is that people are not worthy, able or possible to progress, that it is just a place where they are parked. Even if the physical appearance of an institution is better it still by the virtue of being apart from the rest of the society, community, conveys a message that it is place for people with minor prospects in their life – be it infants’ home, children’s home, rehabilitation centre of people with disabilities, mental hospital or an old age home.

In all institutions the there is a lack of privacy. In some cases, this lack is almost absolute. Everything is done in front of the others including bathing, using toilet, there are no private spaces, not even a small closet where one can put his scarce belongings. In some institutions, these amenities are not so sparse and also where they are, residents can construct, with a lot of ingenuity, some kind of meagre and provisional personal existence (e.g. carry their belongings in a plastic bag, stuff them in one’s trousers forming an incredible bulge). Even in those where there are more possibilities for intimacy (rooms for two residents, availability of the wardrobes, personalised laundry system etc.), the privacy and possibilities to maintain one’s identity are curtailed by an ever present collective audience observing what you are doing and, by a deficient control of personal information, incomparable to the degree of it one has in an ordinary everyday life outside the institution. For instance, personal information is almost freely available to most of the staff, and on the other hand, the residents have little information and control of what their files contain.

In principle, on the declarative level, in all of the institutions, individual development is a concern and a great part of staff believes in users’ capacities. There are, however, institutions who have lost a hope that this can be achieved and in effect, the notion is one of stagnation and despair. In some, there is a lot of effort to monitor, sustain and propel the individual development of residents. In Mothers and infants home Bitola, for instance, they have few years established the system of key-workers, which in combination with sound teamwork, which enables the staff to support, not only intellectual and motor, but also emotional and interaction development of infants and toddlers. However, by the virtue of being in an institution, isolated from the ordinary relationships and community at large, the dimension of social development and, even more so, the social personal history remains almost completely blank. Institution is a setting that provides a perspective of a person as an abstract human being unrelated to social relationships, events and ordinary circumstances of life. One is unable to form, construct meaningful membership in informal social groups (of peers, relatives, even in public), get involved in activities of his or her own liking and interest, and find the situations that would personally suit him or her.

Mixing
Residents of the institutions are so to speak obliged to associate and socialise with other residents, the staff and to some degree with their relatives (if they come and when they come). They come very rarely as estimated in Banja Bansko and Demir Kapija less than 10 % of people living in institutions have regular visitors. Even more, they deprived of mixing with other people – be it in the public places or in interest communities, social events and like.

Most institutions report volunteer activities and some institutions have (due to close vicinity of an urban milieu) many resources and are systematically working on inviting various guests, either for some events or on a regular basis. The presence of volunteers is an important in improving the social environment; it gives a chance to residents to step into alternative roles, to relate to people in a different manner. What is most important, the presence of volunteers introduces at least a ray of an ordinary world into the institutional living. It allows people to talk about issues that diverge from institutional topics, look at their life from another perspective, and get experience of an everyday interaction, in which it is more likely that they will be seen as just another human being and not as a person with disability, service user, a resident. With some effort and right volunteers, these activities can also provide some spontaneous advocacy in dealing with internal and external authorities.

If the social isolation and absence of mixing with other people than co-residents, staff and relatives is an effect of segregated facilities, there are also the divisions within the institution that prevent mixing within.[1] The relatives of the residents do not seem to be welcome, even less actively invited to the institutions. On declarative level, the invitations are usually issued and usually social workers complain on the relatives that they tend to forget, write off their residing kinsfolks. However, there are many boundaries set and often the message is that relatives are intruders and troublemakers – ‘they upset the children and then they leave’. Such messages, boundaries and the formal institutional atmosphere (many people who deal with one’s relative and constantly changing), but also geographical distance prevent relatives to be more involved in the life on the institution and their relatives.

In most institutions, there is also internal segregation between the residents and staff. Not only that their basic involvement is radically different – residents live in the institutions (24/7) and staff works there (8/5) and lives at home most of their time, but there are deeper seated, cast-like divisions. There are segregated toilets, eating facilities, the cutlery is different, the access to staff rooms is limited to residents, while the staff enters residents’ rooms unannounced without knocking, let alone that they would invite them to their homes. Most of these taboos have little to do with functional issues, although sometimes the hygienic reasons are given. Mostly it has to do with construction of otherness, almost racist prejudice, even superstation, that residents are a source of pollution, infection - a bad omen.

Most surprising, for an outsider, is that there are division among the residents themselves. Although there is a great degree of comradery, mutual help and a kind of internal economy in most of the institutions, there is a hierarchy based on formal divisions (homogenised ward, categorisation of disability or other diagnoses). There are also spontaneous, semi-formal arrangements that stem from the punishment and privilege system that silently operates beneath the formal ideology. In these some residents in exchange for the help to the staff, not only in material services like cleaning, carrying etc., but also in minding and regimenting other residents, receive benefits and privileges like better treatment, more dignified role, more of the scarce amenities, more freedom to move.

Claimer: This blog is intended as a part of Situation Analysis and Assessment/ Evaluation Report of Implementation of National Strategy on Deinstitutionalisation 2008–2018, which will be soon presented to the public within the EU framework project Technical assistance support for the deinstitutionalization process in social sector. For this blog, Vlado Krstovski, Anja Kutnjak and Andreja Rafaelič are considered to be co-authors.

References:
Brandon, D. (1991), Increasing Value: The Implications of the Principle of Normalisation for Mental Illness Services. Salford University College.
Christie, N. (1989), Beyond Loneliness and Institutions: Communes for Extraordinary People. Oslo: Norwegian University Press.


[1] The internal boundaries and divisions is what differentiates the total institutions from total communities (Christie 1989).

petek, 9. marec 2018

Wards as an arrangement of living




Residential buildings are usually dived into units, departments, wards. This is the main spatial (and often organisational) division of an institution. The wards have also a symbolic and homogenising meaning. They gather the people of the same ability, diagnosis or classification label or age group. The usual spatial organisation follows this quasi logic of progression. Usually in the front building(s) residents considered ‘easiest to support'  while at the back there are backward wards for residents considered with high level support needs (most ‘disturbed’, ‘heaviest’) – people ‘not to be seen’. However, often happens (e.g. in Demir Kapija and Banja Bansko), that there is a residence for ‘most able’, ‘most independent' at the rear edge of the compound. There conditions imitate the ordinary civil life arrangements – the rooms have attached small kitchenette, a shower; people live as couples or simulate a family life. This part is usually a showroom of an institution’s best achievement, practically already on the outside of the institution, but really a simulacrum, a mirror both to institution and the society seen from this perspective. Internally this arrangement is regarded as a reward system, a confirmation of more ‘elevated status’ in an institutional hierarchy of residents, and have thus a disciplinary meaning and effect, even if this is not the intention.

The wards usually consist of a series of bedrooms along a longer corridor, with lavatories usually at the end of it and a sitting room in a prominent location. Often at the beginning of the ward there is one or two rooms for the staff. This may be the dispensary, which often is the headquarters of the ward and seat of the head of the ward.

While in hospitals the head of the ward are usually nurses, in Demir Kapija a special educator has this function. They do not have their seat in the ward’s headquarters but they have their own space (“physiotherapy”) where all the head of the wards usually do their work and have their meetings. Special educators being the heads of the wards makes sense since the main activity in the ward is declared to be special education and rehabilitation, but some of the educators complain about this arrangement. The head of the unit is a mostly in a first line management position and they have to manage the staff, the materials needed and keep the order on the ward. This takes away the time they would have for the individual work with residents and off the special education activities in general. This is the complaint, but the truth behind this is also that working in such an institution is professionally frustrating in itself since there is little progress and there is a lack of goals in, for example, what is the goal of rehabilitation in an institution? The benefit of this arrangement is that professional workers are present where people live and can intervene in the real environment. This is a good starting point for the deinstitutionalisation process. Just giving special educators the position of the heads of the wards is not enough, for deinstitutionalisation they have to start breathing with the ward, create opportunities for team work and really be present on the wards and work together with the other staff and users. 

In some institutions special educators and other staff have their special premises (their offices or special halls, classrooms, occupation therapy, workshops) where they perform their professional activities. In these cases the activities are rather abstract do not have real life meaning and make professional workers detached from what is really happening in the institution and in the lives of the residents. On other hand it provides a safe haven for some residents, a perceived reward for his or her behaviour, also a retreat for a worker from the institutional life and it provides the institution a much needed time division into the ‘working’ and ‘free’ hours. The life on a ward is monotonous and boring and spending sometime outside, doing something, no matter how interesting or not it may be, becomes as a reward in itself (and a motivation for residents to comply with the rules and orders by the staff).

There is not much to do on the wards. And a lot of people cramped in a small space. There can be up to 50 people on a ward, could be six to eight residents in one room. There is no privacy, in some institution nowhere to put personal belongings – so there is no use in having them (even clothes, underwear are common and distributed at random. The general stance of residents is awaiting, hanging about, lingering. Actually waiting but for nothing – since there is not much happening, everything keeps repeating itself, everything is organised by the management and staff. It looks like the time has stopped, like the staff and residents alike want to grab some time of their own from this shapeless time machine. This creates tension and events (sometimes unpleasant like fights, quarrel, even violence and self-harm) in the zone of uneventfulness. 

Apart from Banja Bansko institution, which was made with a purpose to accommodate residents with mobility disabilities, all the institutions have architectural barriers (stairs, absence of elevators and other appliances that surpass the barriers) that make mobility difficult if not impossible. This is true even for the institution with a large number of residents with such issues. In Demir Kapija, for instance, the residents with greatly diminished mobility are mainly housed on a ground floor of the old building. This makes access to outside a little easier, but there are still barriers to exit.[1] However, the children in Demir Kapija are housed on the second and third floors of the building.  The do not have access to outside at all. Anyway, these residents seldom move outside and spend, without much exaggeration, most of their lives in their beds: they sleep, eat, defecate, accept visitors and watch TV – everything in their beds. This indicates that it is not only architectural barriers but also conceptual and organisational barriers that keep them immobile. They are seen as people who are ‘parked’ there and not people who live there.[2] This notion is supported by the lack of staff that would move them around. Even if we concede to this assertion this is still a question of organisation of work, since there can be seen staff with nothing to do or maybe doing things that are less important than taking residents out.

Even when there are aids to enable mobility and accessibility they are not always working or in function. In Demir Kapija, for example, the new building has an elevator but it is not used (most often not working) and the ramp that should be used to access the physical therapy is always somehow blocked by either dirty clothes or broken chairs.

Even if the residents would be placed into accessible buildings, there would still be an issue of mobility since most institutions have a shortage of wheelchairs. People in institutions do not have or own their wheelchairs but they use common wheelchairs that are usually only partially working and they never have enough of them.



Claimer: This blog is intended as a part of Situation Analysis and Assessment/ Evaluation Report of Implementation of National Strategy on Deinstitutionalisation 2008–2018, which will be soon presented to the public within the EU framework project Technical assistance support for the deinstitutionalization process in social sector. For this blog, Vlado Krstovski, Anja Kutnjak and Andreja Rafaelič are considered to be co-authors.





[1] The 'new' building was built more in the line of accessibility, but the majority of residents with mobility issues are not there. Probably on the account of logic that residents with severe disabilities are not expected to belong there.
[2] An explanation offered on the fact that people with severe mobility disabilities reside on the ground floor was that it would be easier to evacuate them in the case of fire or a similar emergency. This indicates that in ‘normal’ conditions they are doomed to stay inside.