četrtek, 8. februar 2018

'Social' vs. 'medical' model – a breakdown

Deinstitutionalisation requires a paradigmatic change on several levels. The patterns of organisation, spatial arrangements, relationships and approaches as well as how we understand the disability, the needs, care and support must take completely other turn. The changes are usually subsumed into change from ‘medical’ to ‘social model’ (Oliver 1990). The basic idea is that – no matter how much an impairment is physical, biological, seated in the body, the disability itself is constructed socially. Various social arrangements, ranging from architectural barriers to the stigmatisation, labelling, devalued social roles, as well the treatment and care, disable people to fully exercise their faculties, their right, participate in society and be fully included in it. 
This paradigmatic change is about not only how we understand and explain the disability but also how we act, how support is provided and organised. Because the distinction between ‘medical’ and ‘social’ models is to a great degree summative, it has become a powerful and mobilising idea but on other hand blurring important distinctions between the explanation and action. Models can be understood as modelling understanding and explaining disability but also as modelling approaches to it (i.e. ‘treatment’), and how the care and support is organised. To be more accurate there is a need to distinguish between the explanatory, treatment and organisation models.

Explanatory models can be divided into reductive explanations reducing human complexity to one dimension (illness, legal norm, psyche etc.) and transversal explanations enabling syntheses of various planes of functioning and existence. Transversalitiy is imminent, ‘natural’ to everyday reasoning and ordinary (pre—or non-scientific) knowledge, but also to comprehensive sciences like anthropology, social work, management sciences.[1] As platforms of action the reductive explanations foster separation, competition and dominance of a particular explanation in a particular academic, professional, or sectorial (health, justice) milieus or even in society at large. The transversal synthetic explanations encourage interdisciplinary cooperation, pluralism of ideas and approaches, their complementarity based on ethical consistency, thus positioning humanism as a leading idea.

Treatment[2] models, we can divide into corrective and enabling approaches. Corrective approaches are based on the supremacy of the professionals, which draw their mandate to act upon a person on the supposed deficit, inadequacy or failure of the person, for which there is a special competency (or more truly a social authorisation) to deal with by special means – medication, psychotherapy or other psycho-pedagogical intervention, or administrative measures. These approaches are imminently disempowering and disabling. Their opposite are enabling approaches, in principle they are based on the general human rights and seek many ways to empower people in need. This can be done only through non-conditional inclusion and by sponsoring and supporting people in a variety of everyday life activities (thus enabling people to take risks instead of avoiding them).

Two dominant organisation models in care provision can be distinguished. One is institutional based on segregation, innate hierarchy (staff – residents, but also within the staff and residents groups), collective living and provision and providing ‘care’ in totality – one authority providing and regimenting everything that a person needs.[3] Community model, as an alternative to the institutional, is not only community-based but is oriented to community participation, thus creating new connections not only from services users to community member, but also in the community itself. The relationships in community provision tend to be egalitarian and while inclusive, person centred.

On the whole, the ‘medical’ model is reductive in explanation, reducing the disability to one dimension; it is corrective in its approach to the people – adapting them to the society; and it is institutional in the way it organises the services. Social model on other hand is transversal in explanations taking into account diverse plateaux of human existence, enabling in its approach to the people in need and community based in organisation of the service provision. The distinctions into explanatory, treatment and organisation models are important (apart from fending off sloganizing the issue of models) to note the diverse planes of modelling and, on the other hand to make distinctions between certain ways of sub-modelling and existence of mixed models.

For example, community psychiatry still to great extent adheres to medical explanation of the mental distress, however, it is abandoning hospital as it organisational base and is by necessity using a mixed approach (medication and inclusion). On the other hand, a psychotherapist may not have a narrow medical explanation, but the explanation may be as reductive as the medical one and his or her approach will be corrective, but he or she will not be practising in an institution, however, the practice could be supporting, be complementary to institutions. Conversely, there can exist a transversal understanding of human need or misery, but if there is a lack of skill in approach or organisational framework that would allow the transversal syntheses to become active, a knowledge remains impotent.  Or, services can be translocated into the community – but if the approach and understanding remain solely correcting and reductive, the community provision will be inadequate, in fact more alike to institutional care than what is considered a truly community-based service.

The paradigm shift entails two similar, complementary and yet opposite processes. First, there is a transition period characterised by a ‘mixed regime’ of various models. Second, the new paradigm needs to subsume and incorporate the old paradigm into the new one. There is a space for medical, juridical or other reductive knowledge in social model, corrective devices and intervention such as medication, psychotherapy etc. can be used to empower people, yield inclusion or support people in their activities; collective provision such as camps, work-cooperatives etc. can be a potent part of community services, if limited in time and scope.

These transitory phenomena are very conspicuous in Macedonian present-day practice. The ‘social model’ was introduced and is known. However, in practice ‘medical’ model still prevails (not only in health care). An obvious reason for such state of the art is that a lack of opportunity to practice new models since the services, which provide a space to practice them, are not developed as is the case with skills and approaches. However, also on the level of knowledge in terms of explanation and understanding there are inconsistencies not only in medicine and nursing, but also in special education (defectology!) and even social work. E.g., there is still strong adherence to the diagnostics and diagnostic labels. This in itself would not be a problem if it would not cement the disabling beliefs and prevent affirmative, enabling action. For example, during the student camp there were students and professionals who deemed efforts to enable residents to participate in the activities like assemblies as futile by saying: “Can’t you see – they are severely disabled!” One would be tempted to postulate that there should be conceptual purity in order to implement changes on the practical level. Even if this may be true on the strategical level, it does not seem to be spot-on on the practical level. There the logic might be inverse that we need to get rid of institutional spaces and organisational models in order to practice and understand in the new – enabling and transversal ways.

Claimer: This blog is intended as a part of Situation Analysis and Assessment/ Evaluation Report of Implementation of National Strategy on Deinstitutionalisation 2008-2018 which will be soon presented to the public within the EU framework project Technical assistance support for the deinstitutionalization process in social sector.



References:

Flaker, V. (2006) 'Social work as a science of doing: in the praise of a minor profession' in Von der Idee zur Forschungsarbeit: Forschen in Sozialarbeit und Sozialwissenschaft, V. Flaker & T. Schmid, T. eds Böhlau Verlag, Wien.

Oliver, M. (1990). The Politics of Disablement. London: Macmillan.




[1] A significant difference between anthropology and social work in their respective transversalities is that anthropology is an explanatory science, while social work is a science of doing (Flaker, 2006) and is transversal not only in knowing but also in acting – on various registers of social intervention.

[2] Treatment should be understood in this context wider than its narrow meaning – as an approach to people in need and not treating 'somebody' or 'something' – this is the characteristic of the corrective approach.


[3] As such a total institution is deeply rooted in feudal (guardian) patterns of relationships.

ponedeljek, 5. februar 2018

The importance of minor needs (part two)




Contacts


Contacts with other people are not only psychological and social need it is also physiological (not only for infant the touch is physiological need). In the networks we not only get the moral and emotional support, we exchange goods, services and information. With participation in networks we constitute our identities.

People with disabilities and people in need in general, tend to have somehow weaker and poorer social networks. They have less people in the networks, the ties are spatially and socially less radial, do not reach far, and exchanges they have are more asymmetrical – both in terms of input and output (receiving and providing help and support) as well as in power relationships.

“Never all of us attended a feast …” (relative of a child with disability)

Sometimes poor network resources are among the reasons for institutionalisation. What is supposed to be a remedy turns into even more poisonous situation. Institutions usually destroy the social contacts one has had. One of the main needs upon leaving the institution is to renew contacts one has had and to establish new ones.

(Re)connecting with family is one of the frequent goals or priorities in personal plans. Some have a contact with their family and some do not. What they all have in common is that they would like to have more contacts with their family. The connection with family members when people are inside the institution, is very bad. Some of the residents spoke about wanting to move in with their family. Moving in with your family is one of the ways of living after you leave the institution and the transition is way easier if you have an existing relationship and connection with your family even before you move out of the institution, and even in cases people will not live with the family (observation in interviews in DK). Community provision on the other hand supports contacts. Majority of foster care givers (97 %), for example, consider that their protégés are accepted by their peers (UNDP 2017b: 34).

Love, being in love, being loved and sex are also a very important part of our lives. Even so it is often forgotten in institutions that people have love and sexual needs, couples do not share the rooms and having sex in an institution is more than a sexual or romantic experience a game of finding an almost hidden place where an intercourse can quickly happen without major interruptions. Even if sex happens in unusual circumstances, it is quite easy to get it in institutions, which in fact are quite promiscuous. For some people after returning from institutions their love and sexual life might be reduced or more precisely, the opportunities will not be at hand and will take more effort and courting. 

Career and dealing with the system


Goffman (1961: 199) connects the institutional career to two main characteristics; the first is the internal perception of the person in creating and experiencing their own identity, the second is the real position of the person, their life style and status of an inmate or mental patient. The career can be divided in three phases the pre-patient phase, the patient phase and the ex-patient phase.

Career needs are connected to the time spent in institution, with the personnel and possibilities of choice and information, but also to the community services. The second slot of needs connected to the institutional career are created because of stigma and the effects of the stigma such as (unsuitable) medication, personal biographies that are degradation and crate unequal opportunities, and not enough possibilities to play different social roles.

The access to the basic health services package for people with disabilities is disabled. There are troubles in acquiring necessary medicaments without paying ‘participation’, the treatment of people with disability until their 26 year as children limits access to free health protection, medical treatment, orthopaedic devices insurances and medical rehabilitation, lack of transport facilities, physical access and often the reception by the staff is curtailing their rights to health (focus group and interview with parents). More than half of people with disabilities are not satisfied with the health system, because a selective approach, treatments and access to drugs are insufficient developed and outdated. (Šavreski, Kočoska, 2017: 27)

Life events - stress, certainty and purpose


An important preoccupation for people with disabilities is to stay in a home environment, not to go to an institution. That is usually important for their relatives until they do not burn out. Because of the system of exhaustion that forces the relatives quite often to take care of the relative only by themselves they often feel and are overburdened, left by themselves and face health problems also themselves.

Institutionalisation is not a need of the people that are institutionalised but the need of others. Institutions are responses to the need of others to be relieved, reassured and to make sense. Usually people with disabilities end in institutions when others cannot take care of them anymore, when we start doubting in things we have taken for granted. In this way hospitalisation or institutionalisation at least for a short period make life more tolerable, and when a situation they are faced with do not make sense anymore the institutions and professionals create certainty and sense.

Another big worry of parents and relatives of people with disabilities is also what will happen to their child after they die. There is no assurance that their relatives will have the same quality of life and other peoples experience show to them that their relatives’ quality of life often decreases. It is quite usual that people with disabilities end up in institutions after their relatives die. Parents or other people who dedicate their life to care about people who need support perform a more than 8-hour shift. They need to be relieved from time to time, to take a break to care about other children, their professional career and social commitments. (HOPS focus group DC Kavadarci)

Experiencing violence is a life event that people in need face often – every fifth disabled child experienced violence (UNDP 2017a). The violence happens in everyday situations, in families (UNDP 2017b: 33) as well as in care institutions.

Emancipation and affiliation


Emancipation is at the same time a need for independence and dependence. The main presumption of life is to be dependent on others, everyone needs help and support. At the same time today’s society is based on independence. People with disabilities demand more control and power over their own lives but at the same time it is important not to be excluded and to be connected with the community. Inclusion means physically and socially becoming a part of a group with the aim to achieve common interests or just to hang around for common activities, joint work etc. But often the environment does not believe and trust people with disabilities to make their own decisions and live and independent life. 

In general in Macedonia, very small number of relatives consider that people with disabilities could live independently in the future. Only 10 to 20 % of the family members believe that their relatives with disabilities could live alone in the future (UNPD 2017a: 52). One of the reasons why people do not believe that people with disabilities could live independently is because users or their relatives  know little about the opportunities for independent living in specially organised residential units (UNDP 2017a: 52-54).

Regarding the involvement in community life the UNPD survey has shown big differences between Skopje (where there should be more civil activities and organisations) and the other regions. In Skopje only 14 % of people with disabilities are familiar with civic initiatives, whilst elsewhere the numbers are from 34 – 43 % (UNPD 2017a: 41). Most of the respondents who are familiar with civil initiatives and civil society organizations operating in their local community are actually members of the organizations (UNPD 2017a: 42). Only a third of them are actively participating in the creation of this civil initiatives or organisation activities. The majority of those participating are also active in the implementation of these activities (UNPD 2017a: 41–42)

Participation in everyday life is even more important for people living in institutions. In their personal plans they, as a rule, want more exits from the institution. Apart from not letting people out of the institution being a gruesome violation of basic human rights, from the perspective of closing Demir Kapija, it is very important for residents to participate in the everyday life outside of institution.

Claimer: This blog is intended as a part of Situation Analysis and Assessment/ Evaluation Report of Implementation of National Strategy on Deinstitutionalisation 2008-2018 which will be soon presented to the public within the EU framework project Technical assistance support for the deinstitutionalization process in social sector. For this blog Andreja Rafaelič is considered to be co-author.



References:

Conceptualisation of the needs according to the categories above may be found in:

Flaker, V., Mali, J., Kodele, T., Grebenc, V., Škerjanc, J., Urek, M. (2008), Dolgotrajna oskrba: Očrt potreb in odgovorov nanje. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za socialno delo.

Other references:

Goffman, E. (1961), Asylums. New York: Doubleday & Co. (Pelican edition 1968).

Šavreski, Z., Kočoska, E. (2017) ANED Country report on social protection and Article 28 UNCRPD – FYR Macedonia, Academic network of European disability experts, [On line] Available at: http://www.disability-europe.net/country/fyr-macedonia?theme=social-protection

UNDP (2017a) Research among persons with disabilities in three regions in Macedonia.  Research report - December 2016 – January 2017, Skopje: UNDP.

UNDP (2017b) Research among children/persons with disability under foster care in Macedonia. Research report – December 2016-January 2017, Skopje: UNDP.

četrtek, 1. februar 2018

The importance of minor needs (part one)



Social policy usually addresses the needs that are visible even from the distance, relatively easily identifiable and that constitute the major and robust indicators of wellbeing – e.g. poverty, housing needs, access to health, education, employment rates, income, housing etc. Health care or nursing has a more micro-perspective, while nominally acknowledging the environmental and social impacts, it deals mainly with the body and life-functions in relation to person’s dependency on care of the other (feeding, mobility, personal care and hygiene etc.) ('Virginia Henderson, cf.: Current nursing 2012). Psychology does address needs of more personal kind, however in a rather abstract and grand way (e.g. needs of belonging, self-esteem, self-actualisation in Maslow’s (1970) hierarchy of needs) and attributes the need to the human personality rather than social interaction. While all these aspects are important, it is equally important to address the needs arising from the minute aspects of social interaction – the ones arising from performing everyday activities, ones that deal with stigma and conversely with respect, with career (especially ‘downward’ streams), life events and the issues of emancipation and affiliation as the basis of the personal (contractual) power (Flaker et al., 2008).

Daily Activities

Everyday activities like routines, personal hygiene, housework and various errands are usually not perceived as needs, rather as something that needs to be done. When in need of support of others these, activities become needs, something that we need to put an effort to attain. There is little research on these needs in Macedonia. However, we can safely assume that there is a great need for support in doing precisely these activities. One of the indicators for residents of the institutions is that the main bulk of work in them is dedicated precisely to these issues: personal hygiene, feeding, lifting, moving around etc. This of course may be partly due to orientation of the institutions but mainly it is because of the need for such support. In the process of personal planning and in introducing of intensive interaction it was obvious that these activities are of crucial importance – not only in term of people being fed, washed and warm, but also in terms of the humanity and sociability of people with intense needs. These are not only instrumental activities as we usually see them but also means of connecting, asserting ones will and presenting oneself to others. What is so obvious with people with intense needs is true for everybody else, regardless their impairment, however some people need less support.

Among the people in need who do not reside in institution, these needs are more obvious with people in old age who sometimes are becoming dependent on help of other people progressively, it is also obvious with some physical disabilities, but also very important with mental disabilities. People with intellectual disabilities would sometimes need assistance in taking care of housework, in doing errands, shopping etc. Similarly, people with mental health problems often need help in maintaining their households, escort when making errands of bureaucratic kind, in some cases (e.g. depression) also with the bodily hygiene. With children this need is obvious regardless existence of disability, in their case care has also pedagogic elements of learning to care for oneself. This process is with children with disabilities probably slower and has to be given a special attention (Flaker et al., 2008).

In contrast with everyday routines of self-care, housework and errands in public, which are usually experienced as mere necessities, however instrumental they are for the quality of life, the leisure activities are more seen as desires, and something of our particular choice, something that expresses our identity and something that creates it.

In personal plans, residents of Demir Kapija expressed the wish to have more of the cultural life with an emphasis on a music and concerts. This seems important from the perspective of giving people back their identity. Being able to participate in the cultural happenings is important for a person to live a fuller life inside or outside of the institution, life not reduced to what to eat, what to drink and where to sleep. These activities are viable while institutions are still in existence and for the process of transition as the concert organised in DK indicated. However, the more important is to observe these needs in the post institutional settings, since it is important means of participation of people with disabilities in the community, society, a means or acquiring valued social roles but also of expression and representation of one’s distress, experience of being labelled, discriminated to the public at large.

Stigma and difficulties in interaction

 

Although discrimination can happen on many diverse levels, including the structural ones, the stigma is an interaction phenomenon, it happens in the everyday contacts of the people. As a disqualifier it operates in the realm of interactional offences, small things, mishaps, mistakes, we do all the time in the everyday interactions that can imply that we are not respecting the personality (personal space, belongings, ways of addressing the other – eye contact, listening etc.). These mistakes are usually mended as we go without even noticing that there was an offence, by apologies, politeness, kindness and other remedial interaction (Goffman, 1963). Stigma interprets these offences by referring them to the discredited status an interactant (e.g. disability) and destroys possibilities of the remedial actions of the interactants. Stigma is therefore, a destructive disruption of everyday interaction by imputing to the interaction extraneous definition of situation and disabling interactants to refer to the immediate relevance of the interaction.

Being a recipient of a social benefit, a user of social service (crossing the subsidiarity threshold) is stigmatising since it shows that I am not capable of taking care of myself and that I do not have my own people to help me with that. This seems to be a very strong issue in Macedonian culture. A social worker recalled a person who after receiving a social benefit when he was in need wanted to repay it after he recuperated. This can be sign of modesty and pride, but also as somebody, like in an everyday interaction wanting to remedy his interaction offence, to reconstruct himself as a credible member of the community.

Being in an institution cements this stigma, perception of somebody as not credible. The fact that somebody lives in an institution gives off the message that he or she is not being able (not to be trusted) to live with other people, have a status of the full citizen. Placing somebody in an institution makes a label more than just utterance – it becomes a social fact. This has not only the immediate effect on the stigma of the person who is institutionalised but also, by the signification chain on all the (potential) people who could be so labelled. 

Resettling from institution will likely cause two processes. One is that it will weaken the stigma since the “place” of cementing the discrediting act, the other will be that people with disabilities and other labels who are now in the institutions will be more present in the society and therefore make it possible to deal with the issue of exclusion and inclusion in the immediate environments and in practical term. This will definitely diminish the overall power of stigma but can sometime spark also immediate rejection and moral panics and crusades (e.g. NIMBY).

Stigma finds its logical basis in the way disability is recognised and described: a medical condition marking the person with a stigma that no medical treatment can erase. It translates into unchanging disadvantage and results in a misfortunate state deserving pity, charity but calling also for differentiation and exclusion (Shavreski, Kochoska, 2017: 28).


Claimer: This blog is intended as a part of Situation Analysis and Assessment/ Evaluation Report of Implementation of National Strategy on Deinstitutionalisation 2008-2018 which will be soon presented to the public within the EU framework project Technical assistance support for the deinstitutionalization process in social sector. For this blog Andreja Rafaelič is considered to be co-author.

References:


Current nursing (2012) 'Virginia Henderson's Need Theory' Current Nursing/ Nursing Theories. Available at: http://currentnursing.com/nursing_theory/henderson.html
Flaker, V., Mali, J., Kodele, T., Grebenc, V., Škerjanc, J., Urek, M. (2008), Dolgotrajna oskrba: Očrt potreb in odgovorov nanje. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za socialno delo.
Holland, K., Jenkins, J., Solomon, J, Whittam, S. (2008) Applying the Roper-Logan-Tierney Model in Practice. Churchill Livingstone.
Maslow, A. H. (1970). Motivation and personality. [2nd edition] New York: Harper & Row.
Roper, N., Logan, W., Tierney, A. J. (2001), The Roper-Logan-Tierney Model of Nursing. Edinburgh: Churchill Livingstone.
Shavreski, Z. & Kochoska, E. (2017) ANED Country report on social protection and Article 28 UNCRPD – FYR Macedonia, Academic network of European disability experts, [On line] Available at: http://www.disability-europe.net/country/fyr-macedonia?theme=social-protection